Secret meeting around Netanyahu: Israeli media mention the participation of several Arab states Copy link

Algeria Gate: The Hebrew newspaper Haaretz revealed this Tuesday that the occupation prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, received a warning from UAE President Mohammed bin Zayed a week and a half before the “Al-Aqsa Flood” operation on October 7th 2023.

According to details published by the newspaper, in the final days of September 2023; i.e., a week and a half before the operation, Netanyahu received a phone call from Mohammed bin Zayed that lasted 45 minutes. During that call, bin Zayed warned Netanyahu of the intentions of the late Hamas political bureau chief Yahya Sinwar to launch a major operation by Hamas against Israel. The paper said that despite this, “Netanyahu did nothing.” The extensive investigation was conducted for a book titled Hostages (the Israeli captives): 843 days of neglect, which effectively revealed a series of Netanyahu’s failures before the operation occurred.

According to the newspaper, bin Zayed, who has close relations with Isaac Herzog, the Zionist president, spoke in the days preceding the outbreak of the war. According to Herzog: “The UAE president has always conveyed messages that there is a need to calm the situation,” noting that “he sent a special envoy to Israel who met Netanyahu… as if he felt that the region was about to explode.”

The details also state that bin Zayed urged Netanyahu to “take the warning seriously.” However, in a manner that aroused his astonishment, the Zionist prime minister’s response was “relatively calm” upon hearing the information and warnings; he said that “Hamas intends to move in the West Bank” and then “reassured bin Zayed that Israel is prepared for all scenarios.”

Algeria Gate: The Zionist newspaper Yedioth Ahronoth revealed details of a new lawsuit filed by a domestic worker of Moroccan origin against the Israeli Prime Minister’s Office. He accused Sara Netanyahu, wife of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, of insulting and mistreating him during his employment in the family home, describing Moroccans as “a neanderthal people.”

According to the lawsuit details, Rami Ben Hamou, who worked for more than ten years in the Israeli Prime Minister’s Office and the Netanyahu family home, filed a lawsuit seeking compensation of 450,000 shekels over what he described as “extremely harsh treatment.”

The lawsuit stated that Ben Hamou worked in the Prime Minister’s home between March 2023 and December 2025. He would start work around 7:30 a.m. and sometimes continue until late at night or even dawn, averaging between 60 and 80 overtime hours per month; a scene that recalls the deeply rooted Moroccan loyalty to the Zionists.

The case file, as reported by the newspaper, also included accusations that Sara Netanyahu directed insulting remarks at the Moroccan worker, including offensive questions about the role of Moroccans and their service to others, as well as remarks that belittled him and his work, such as: “Were Moroccans created to be servants for others? Don’t you know how to do anything except prepare tea?”

This case comes at a time when the Moroccan Makhzen regime is seeking to advance the normalization path it has adopted, without any regard for the Moroccan people, who are subjected to humiliation, displacement, and deprivation of the most basic rights.

Ceuta is facing unprecedented security alert after more than 1,500 Moroccan migrants swam into the Spanish enclave within just days a scene the city’s governor, Juan Jesús Vivas, bluntly called “a full-blown humanitarian and social emergency.” The official numbers no longer hide one uncomfortable truth: Morocco’s youth are fleeing their country with their bodies before the state can exhaust what’s left of them.

Numbers That Leave No Room for Spin

Rights organizations have documented 2,826 arrivals in Ceuta since the start of 2026 alone a 149% surge over the same period last year, with land and sea routes toward Ceuta and Melilla combined jumping 140%. The human toll: between 17 and 26 confirmed drowning deaths this year, according to multiple sources a figure almost certainly lower than reality.

Ceuta’s own governor warned that if the current pace continues, the city risks a repeat of the May 2021 chaos. Reception centers, he said, are “completely overwhelmed and unable to take in more.” Yet Madrid refused Ceuta’s request to declare a national state of emergency, insisting the migrant surge poses no “threat to national security” a statement that exposes a jarring gap between the scale of the humanitarian catastrophe and the scale of the official response.

The Numbers Rabat’s Rhetoric Won’t Confront

While Spain’s Interior Ministry keeps issuing statements praising “ideal cooperation” with Rabat on returns, the essential question goes unanswered: why are thousands of young Moroccans choosing to risk their lives swimming across the Strait of Gibraltar rather than staying home?

The answer sits in the Moroccan state’s own statistics agency, the High Commission for Planning. Youth unemployment for ages 15–24 is nearing 40%. Urban unemployment tops 17%. And the most damning figure of all: over 82% of Moroccan households report their living conditions have deteriorated in recent years. These aren’t opposition talking points or hostile propaganda they’re the Moroccan state’s own numbers.

This is the backdrop producing the scenes at Fnideq and Belyounech: minors and young adults abandoning school because there is no job waiting for them, then turning to the sea as the only “exit” from a reality where the state has shut every other door.

A Policy That Manages the Crisis Instead of Fixing Its Roots

Rabat treats migration as a bargaining chip with Madrid and Brussels far more than it treats it as a domestic development failure. Today’s security coordination between Morocco and Spain to return “all migrants who entered Ceuta” addresses the symptom, not the cause it sends these young people straight back into the same economic and social conditions that pushed them to risk their lives in the first place.

While the official establishment celebrates its national milestones, the reality on the streets of Fnideq, Belyounech, and Tetouan remains worlds away from the rhetoric of a “rising Morocco.” The gap between the official poverty and unemployment figures and the state’s narrative of ascent is the exact same gap these young people swim across every week.

The Ceuta crisis is not a passing migration story. It is the invoice for development policies that never reached the margins a bill now being paid in the bodies of young people who would rather risk drowning than face a future with no horizon.