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Algeria Gate: Have the trio of the FFS, the Workers’ Party and the RCD committed a strategic error against the will of the Algerian people by refusing to activate the death penalty against those who set fire to the country’s resources?

It is a natural question at a time when the parties are preparing for the local elections; the first real measure of popular support for the political formations taking part.

Although the death penalty that the President of the Republic announced would be activated came after long seasonal calls; beginning since his first term, to stop the targeting of Algerians and the country’s wealth with fires, and despite the wide welcome from the majority of Algerians for this long-awaited decision (in the words and statements of citizens to various media outlets and the rejoicing of millions on social media), Algerian public opinion is left surprised.

Through a wide range of comments on both verified and unverified accounts, people notice the agreement of the RCD, the FFS and the Workers’ Party with external calls; from Tunisia, Morocco and France, to reject the implementation of the death penalty against the killers of people and nature in Algeria.

The rejection of the death penalty by these parties is not fundamentally linked to the recent fires. It is a political orientation, an old alignment with certain foreign human-rights organizations. But their coming out, in the heart of the national ordeal, against the single Algerian popular voice, including the voice of the Association of Muslim Scholars supporting the decision of the President of the Republic, automatically activates among those following public affairs the thesis of “political suicide” on the eve of local elections, in which the rate of popular participation is known to be by far the highest compared with presidential and legislative elections.

Here it may appear to the Algerian people that those party formations that did not stand in solidarity with them in their ordeal, by supporting the punishment of those who created their tragedies by burning lives and property, have committed an explicit betrayal of the principle of popular solidarity. That solidarity goes beyond material aid to moral positions. The implementation of the death penalty here was never a comprehensive resort but a partial one, a last resort against a heinous crime that is repeated and has taken on the character of a seasonal phenomenon. A crime that exhausts the country’s climate, starting with its oxygen and the air it breathes, all the way to the lives that are taken.

In addition, the margin of error in pronouncing judicial rulings in such cases is almost non-existent, given the availability of technical and scientific evidence and the highly precise investigations led by specialized teams, not to mention the conscience that surrounds everyone who will work on this file and directs them instinctively toward high credibility, since it concerns human lives.

No one, under these circumstances, should seize the opportunity to emerge from isolation and political unemployment in order to create a political program that is already a losing one in advance; giving the impression to anyone tempted to interfere from outside in Algeria’s internal affairs that there is a popular division over the implementation of the death penalty against those who executed Algerians by fire.

The reality is the opposite. How similar yesterday is to today, when some Algerians stood against the independence of their homeland from France in 1962. They were not all necessarily harkis… but that does not negate that some of them were indeed harkis.

Algeria Gate: One year after hosting the fourth edition of the Intra-African Trade Fair in September 2025, Algeria has proven its pivotal role in driving continental economic integration, recording unprecedented figures in the history of the event.

Under the supervision of President Abdelmadjid Tebboune, the Algerian capital turned into a global economic hub, successfully attracting massive investments and strategic partnerships.

Exceptional Numbers and the Lion’s Share for Algeria

Data released by the African Export-Import Bank (Afreximbank) revealed that Algeria alone secured contracts exceeding $11 billion in value, representing nearly a quarter of the total transactions concluded during the fair, which reached $50 billion. This edition witnessed unprecedented global turnout, attracting more than 112,000 visitors from 132 countries, reflecting Algeria’s growing economic weight as a leading partner.

In this regard, Kanayo Awani, Executive Vice President of Afreximbank, affirmed that the “Algeria Edition,” held under the theme “A Gateway to New Opportunities”, marked a true turning point in the path of African trade and created an effective platform connecting companies to tangible growth opportunities.

Mega Energy Projects Boosting Employment

As one of the direct fruits of the business meetings held in Algeria, Afreximbank recently approved $200 million in financing to support the development of the “Hassi Bir Rekaiz” oil field. Representing a total cost of $980 million in a joint venture between Algeria’s Sonatrach, Thailand’s PTTEP, and Spain’s Cepsa, this project stands as a strategic step in the energy sector and is expected to generate around 6,000 new job opportunities.

Continental Gains Heading Towards Lagos 2027

The echoes of the Algeria edition’s success extended beyond the country’s borders to revitalize the entire continental economy. This edition contributed to raising the total value of deals signed across the fair’s four editions to over $167 billion. Around 360,000 small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs); many managed by youth and women, benefited from this economic momentum, helping to create more than half a million direct jobs with each edition.

As preparations begin in Lagos, Nigeria, to host the fifth edition in November 2027 under the theme “Global Africa, Smart Trade,” decision-makers are looking to build upon the strong economic legacy established by Algeria, aiming to empower the continent to shape its economic future with strength and independence.

Algeria Gate: With 47 degrees API and just 0.11% sulfur, Algerian “Saharan Blend” ranks among Africa’s top crudes for Indian energy security. Disturbances in the Strait of Hormuz have exposed the limits of reliance on Gulf suppliers, while the UAE’s exit from OPEC has not freed its exports from geography and maritime risks.

A study by the Indian Centre for Defence Research and Studies (September 5th 2026) concluded that African crudes can reduce New Delhi’s exposure to Gulf concentration risks, placing Saharan Blend among the most attractive options for quality and location. This does not signal an official purchase decision or long-term Sonatrach contract, but confirms Algeria’s place in India’s measurable energy-security calculus.

India’s oil import dependence hit a record 88.7% in fiscal year 2025-2026 (up from 85.5% in 2021-2022), with nearly 5.02 million barrels per day imported in the first half of 2026. Supply regularity, freight, and corridor safety now directly affect inflation, industry, subsidies, and refining margins. Much of the oil from Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Iraq, and Kuwait passes through Hormuz, so buyers weigh maritime risks, insurance, delays, and tanker availability alongside price.

Algeria offers a different proposition: high-quality crude from Mediterranean ports outside Hormuz, continued OPEC+ membership, and an expansion program for production, reserves, and markets. Saharan Blend (47 API, ≤0.11% sulfur) outperforms Saudi Arab Light (33.4 API, 1.8% sulfur), Iraqi Basra Light (~30.2 API, 2.6%), and Kuwaiti crude (31 API, 2.63%), approaching Nigerian Bonny Light and Angolan Cabinda. Light and sweet, it yields high volumes of naphtha, jet fuel, and diesel with lower desulfurization needs. Reference specs often cite ~45 API and 0.09% sulfur, with approximate yields of 23% naphtha, 13% kerosene/jet, 21% diesel, and 22% heavy gas oil. Quality commands a premium; Sonatrach set February 2026 OSP at $2.50/bbl above Dated Brent, but final economics at the refinery gate (price + transport + yields + margins) decide competitiveness.

The decisive card is geography: cargoes avoid Hormuz. Even if the Suez-Red Sea-Bab el-Mandeb route is disrupted and vessels divert around the Cape, Saharan Blend still provides genuine diversification when Gulf shipping and insurance costs spike.

The Emirati predicament is clear. Abu Dhabi left OPEC on 1 May 2026 to expand production freedom, yet its ports remain inside the Gulf and its tankers still face Hormuz. Greater output does not guarantee delivery when corridors are disrupted. The withdrawal weakened OPEC cohesion without ending geographic dependence.

India is not replacing the UAE with Algeria; Abu Dhabi remains a major producer and partner. But the crisis proved that over-reliance on any Gulf supplier creates exposure. New Delhi therefore spreads risk across Algeria, Nigeria, Angola, and the Americas. Algeria combines ultra-high quality with a non-Hormuz source.

Algeria approaches the market with a broader strategy under President Abdelmadjid Tebboune: raise production, renew reserves, expand partners, and diversify destinations so Asia becomes a stable outlet. A ~$60 billion five-year energy investment program prioritizes exploration and production, with the rest for refining, petrochemicals, and processing. The 2026 Bid Round offered seven blocks after the 2024 round awarded five with ~$606 million in initial investment. Major contracts include Illizi South (~$5.4 billion), Sinopec (~$850 million), and a $380 million production-improvement deal. These tools rebuild capacity, strengthen sovereignty, and attract technology while retaining state control; enabling Asian expansion without diverting volumes from Europe.

Logistics matter: weather disruptions cut Saharan Blend loadings to ~201,000 b/d in January 2026 from 476,000 b/d in December 2025, underscoring the need for reliable delivery.

Existing ties provide a base. Bilateral trade reached $1.71 billion in Indian FY 2024-2025. June 2026 Indian imports included ~$113 million of Algerian crude, $207 million of fertilizers, and $7.83 million of fertilizer raw materials. Algeria rapidly scaled LPG exports to ~110,000 tons in August 2026; Sonatrach and Indian Oil are negotiating monthly 45,000–55,000-ton propane/butane cargoes for 2027 (potentially 540,000–660,000 tons annually), often priced below the Saudi reference. Success in LPG builds networks that can expand to crude, LNG, urea, methanol, and phosphate—and opens doors for Indian investment (ONGC Videsh, Indian Oil, Bharat Petroleum) in exploration, production, storage, and services.

Converting the advantage into a lasting share requires cargo availability, loading regularity, competitive pricing that absorbs distance, and multi-year contracts. Algeria thus differs from the post-OPEC UAE: Abu Dhabi gained pumping freedom but remains trapped by Hormuz, while Algeria retains producer-system influence, ports outside the chokepoint, and technically superior crude.

The Indian reference to Saharan Blend is not mere praise of a known grade; it reflects a post-Hormuz shift. New Delhi now seeks barrels that arrive on time, cut processing costs, and come from a country with independent energy policy and a clear production-growth strategy. Algeria is steadily entering that equation through long-term investment and a vision to expand global presence—while Emirati tankers stay captive to the strait.