Andrew Korybko: “Algeria Outmaneuvers France and Reshapes the Balance of Power in the Sahel” Copy link

Algeria Gate: Algeria, in a pre-emptive deterrence message to the forces of evil that are lying in wait for the Republic, has demonstrated that the chess pieces in the region only move with a green light from Algeria. With a precise reading of the security situation in the Sahel region, Algeria, by decision of President of the Republic, Abdelmadjid Tebboune and at the request of Niger, has deployed Su-30 fighters in the skies of Niamey, to make the nest of wasps understand that the Republic is not a hostage to the repercussions of manoeuvres being managed on the borders of its strategic depth.

The time for play and games on Algeria’s borders is over. The country will not look at risks of destabilisation as a spectator, and will not wait until the crisis reaches its borders to act. Any security disturbance in neighbouring countries can quickly turn into a regional threat, especially as external powers seek to exploit political and security weaknesses in the Sahel region to strike at Algeria’s strategic interests.

Algeria has emerged as a key partner in regional security operations, intervening in neighbouring countries only at the explicit request of their governments and with full respect for their sovereignty.

On 30 August, following a sovereign request from the State of Niger and on the instructions of President Abdelmadjid Tebboune, Chief of Staff of the People’s National Army Saïd Chengriha ordered the deployment of two patrols of Sukhoi Su-30 combat aircraft (four aircraft in total).

Algeria has emerged as a key partner in regional security operations, intervening in neighbouring countries only at the explicit request of their governments and with full respect for their sovereignty.

At the sovereign request of Niger, and on the instructions of President Abdelmadjid Tebboune, General Said Chengriha ordered on August 30th the deployment, for the first time in more than fifty years, of two patrols of Sukhoi Su-30 fighter jets (four aircraft in total). The aircraft were sent on a support mission to assist the Nigerien army in confronting an attempt to destabilise the country.

This followed a failed coup attempt in Niamey on August 29th, which Nigerien authorities successfully foiled and for which they have accused France and the United Arab Emirates of involvement.

Algeria had accurately anticipated developments in Niamey. On August10th, in accordance with the instructions of President Abdelmadjid Tebboune, Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces and Minister of National Defence, the Algerian Ministry of National Defence provided the Nigerien army with a gift of military equipment and helicopters to reinforce its air forces.

The donation consisted of four helicopters with all their accessories; specifically two Mi-24V and two Mi-171 aircraft, as well as additional military equipment. These were delivered by a military transport aircraft of the Algerian Air Force.

Morocco, for its part, must interpret these developments realistically and recalculate its position with care. Escalatory manoeuvres and shows of force, regardless of which external actors; Israel, France or the United Arab Emirates, may be behind or encouraging them, should not lead the Moroccan Makhzen regime to underestimate the consequences of any potential escalation. A confrontation with Algeria would not amount to a mere diplomatic gesture or display of strength; it would carry strategic and security repercussions far beyond immediate political calculations.

Algeria cuts off Paris’s path to exploiting the situation in Niger

The dispatch of Algerian fighters to Niger is also considered a deterrence message to Paris and its rear protectorate Rabat. According to Andrew Korybko, an American analyst based in Russia, in an exclusive statement to Algeria Gate, Paris’s recovery of its lost influence in Niger by exploiting disturbances in that country could exacerbate Algeria’s regional strategic situation. By sending its fighters to Niamey, Algeria is working to deter any potential intervention by French special forces or conventional intervention that might follow a new round of disturbances.

He also clarified that Algeria’s relations with the Alliance of Sahel States are in the process of improving after its rapprochement with Mali, and according to media reports Russia and Niger helped facilitate it. By providing tangible support to Niger in its hour of need, Algeria can win the confidence of Bamako and Burkina Faso and build a basis for partnership with everyone to secure its southern flank. It can then also benefit from its relations and experience in mediation in Mali to persuade the Azawad Liberation Front to abandon its allies in the Group for the Support of Islam and Muslims in preparation for a joint regional counter-terrorism campaign.

He also spoke of establishing a new regional economic and security system through a comprehensive strengthening of relations between Algeria and the Alliance of Sahel States, the ultimate goal of which is to ensure mutual security and prosperity. This would most likely take the form of formal agreements including regular joint exercises, and possibly the deployment of Algerian forces or at least a mechanism for requesting them in crises. The common Russian partner would also have a role in this new system.

Korybko noted that the hybrid warfare threats posed by France and its regional partners must be thwarted for the common good, and hence Algeria’s dispatch of fighters to Niger as a first step, which can be followed by other steps.

He confirmed that Algeria’s first external military move in more than fifty years goes far beyond merely protecting the state through which the Trans-Saharan gas pipeline from Nigeria will pass, adding that Algeria has more ambitious plans relating to ensuring security along its southern flank, not only in Niger but also in Mali and Burkina Faso, in order to accelerate multipolarity. Had Algeria and the Alliance of Sahel States remained at odds, they could have been divided and controlled, but that has now become far less likely.

Algeria Gate: Nigerien authorities have unveiled new and explosive details about the military rebellion that shook the capital Niamey on the night of 28–29 August 2026. According to official accounts, both internal and external actors were behind the failed attempt to destabilise the country.

In a televised address on Tuesday evening, Captain Roger Gabriel, commander of Niamey’s 1st Parachute Battalion, named several officers he accused of leading the mutiny. He also claimed that members of the army’s Security and Intelligence Unit (BSR) took part in the operation.

Gabriel widened the scope of the accusations. He implicated figures close to former president Mohamed Bazoum, as well as officers from France, Chad, Benin and Ivory Coast. The captain further stated that he had received phone calls from Belgium and Dubai urging his unit to join the rebels.

In the most serious claim, Gabriel alleged that plans were under way to deploy French special forces to Niamey airport in support of the mutineers, placing France firmly at the centre of Niger’s official narrative.

These revelations go far beyond a simple barracks revolt. They suggest a calculated effort to exploit internal rifts and reassert foreign influence in Niger, following the profound geopolitical and military realignments the country has undergone in recent years.

The message from Niamey is unambiguous. For the authorities, the struggle is no longer confined to a handful of mutineers. It is a broader confrontation with what they describe as an external network seeking to regain a foothold through local proxies.

Algeria Gate: Following the recent failed coup attempt in Niger, Nigerian media revealed an attempt to exploit security tensions in order to push for a “Sudanese scenario” on Algeria’s borders. According to Nigerian authorities, the operation aimed to prevent Niger from redirecting its economic and strategic partnerships toward neighboring countries and other powers, and to derail its break with France, which seeks to regain lost influence in Africa.

Niamey’s decision to expel French forces and close several foreign military bases, including Air Base 201 in Agadez (a key American drone facility) and Base 101 in Niamey previously run by French troops, displeased decision-makers in Paris. Nigerian authorities directly accused France and President Emmanuel Macron of backing the failed coup in Niamey. The government of President Abdourahamane Tiani described it as a foreign-supported destabilization operation amid the deep rupture with France.

According to Nigerian authorities, soldiers from Base 100 near Diori Hamani International Airport took part. Official television showed dozens of arrested soldiers.

Algeria activates air deterrence and thwarts the plot to set its borders ablaze

Hours after a high-level Nigerian delegation visited Algeria; where bilateral ties are gaining strong momentum, with efforts to expand partnerships and accelerate strategic projects such as the Trans-Saharan Gas Pipeline, a military rebellion erupted in Niamey. Authorities quickly foiled it and restored security.

In line with instructions from President Abdelmadjid Tebboune, Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces and Minister of National Defence, aimed at strengthening strategic cooperation with Niger, particularly in the military field, and in response to a request from the Nigerian leadership following the events in Niamey, Army General Saïd Chanegriha ordered the dispatch of two Sukhoi Su-30 combat aircraft patrols (four aircraft) to support the Nigerian army against the destabilization attempt.

This Algerian air force mission, made possible by the 2020 Constitution allowing deployment of People’s National Army units abroad, reaffirms Algeria’s commitment to regional security and stability. It also sends a clear deterrence message: Algeria will not allow its borders to become a threat to its national security.

Uranium at the heart of the rupture between Niger and France

Control of uranium resources has deepened the break between Niger and France as Niamey moves to reclaim sovereignty over a sector long tied to French interests. Authorities have begun taking back control of French group Orano’s activities, notably at the Imouraren site and Somaïr mine in the north, while recalling Cominak’s historic role in supplying France’s nuclear industry.

Niamey places the latest coup attempt within a broader French strategy of destabilization. After two deadly attacks on Niamey airport in January and June attributed to Islamic State, President Tiani accused France and Emmanuel Macron of financing, arming, supporting and training terrorist groups in camps linked to French intelligence in neighboring Benin.